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That books and films are published and sold for profit does not make them commercial speech; that is, it does not "prevent them from being a form of expression whose liberty is safeguarded [to the maximum extent] by the First Amendment. Commercial speech may be banned if it is false or misleading, or if it advertises an illegal product or service.

Even if it fits in none of these categories, the government may regulate it more than it may regulate fully protected speech. In addition, the government may generally require disclosures to be included in commercial speech; see the section on " Compelled Speech ," below. The Supreme Court has prescribed the four-prong Central Hudson test to determine whether a governmental regulation of commercial speech is constitutional.

This test asks initially 1 whether the commercial speech at issue is protected by the First Amendment that is, whether it concerns a lawful activity and is not misleading and 2 whether the asserted governmental interest in restricting it is substantial. The Supreme Court has held that, in applying the third prong of the Central Hudson test, the courts should consider whether the regulation, in its general application, directly advances the governmental interest asserted.

If it does, then it need not advance the governmental interest as applied to the particular person or entity challenging it. Instead, the Court has held, legislation regulating commercial speech satisfies the fourth prong if there is a reasonable "fit" between the legislature's ends and the means chosen to accomplish those ends. Despite the more lenient standard of review applied to the regulation of commercial speech, the Court often strikes down commercial speech regulations that burden too much speech, particularly if the speech is neither false nor misleading.

Rhode Island , the Court struck down a state statute that prohibited disclosure of retail prices in advertisements for alcoholic beverages. The Court has also demonstrated a willingness to strike down commercial speech regulations where the government's chosen methods of achieving a legitimate goal are too burdensome on the speakers. In Lorillard Tobacco Co. Reilly , the Supreme Court applied the Central Hudson test to strike down most of the Massachusetts attorney general's regulations governing the advertising and sale of cigarettes, smokeless tobacco, and cigars.

In a case that further elucidates the application of the fourth prong of the Central Hudson test and reemphasizes the Court's reluctances to uphold restrictions on the communication of truthful information, even in the commercial context, Thompson v. Yet here it seems to have been the first strategy the Government thought to try.

Lastly, in its Thompson opinion, the Court noted that "several Members of the Court have expressed doubts about the Central Hudson analysis and whether it should apply in particular cases. It is possible, given recent developments, that the Court is now moving towards a higher degree of protection for at least some truthful commercial speech. In Sorrell v. IMS Health , the Court, for the first time since the Central Hudson decision was issued, did not apply the Central Hudson standard to a commercial speech regulation.

Instead, the Court applied what it termed to be "heightened judicial scrutiny" to a Vermont statute that prohibited the sale of certain data for the purposes of using that data to market drugs to doctors and other medical professionals. The data could be freely sold for academic research or for any other reason not related to the commercial use of the data. The Court held that the Vermont statute should be subject to "heightened judicial scrutiny," because it placed both content- and speaker-based restrictions on speech. The "First Amendment requires heightened scrutiny whenever the government creates 'a regulation of speech because of disagreement with the message it conveys.

Often citizens may have more of an interest in hearing truthful commercial speech than even highly valued political dialogue. Fundamentally, the Court seemed to be particularly concerned that the government, in this case, had burdened a message simply because the government did not approve of the message, and found it to be too effective.

The government also left unburdened the speech of speakers with whom the government agreed or whose message the government supported. On occasion, the government attempts to compel speech rather than to restrict it. For example, in Riley v. There is certainly some difference between compelled speech and compelled silence, but in the context of protected speech, the difference is without constitutional significance, for the First Amendment guarantees "freedom of speech," a term necessarily comprising the decision of both what to say and what not to say.

Nonetheless, disclosures in the noncommericial context may also be permissible in some circumstances. In Meese v. Keene , the Court upheld a compelled disclosure requirement in the Foreign Agents Registration Act of Congress did not prohibit, edit, or restrain the distribution of advocacy materials To the contrary, Congress simply required the disseminators of such material to make additional disclosures that would better enable the public to evaluate the import of the propaganda.

One might infer from this that compelled disclosure, in a noncommercial context, gives rise to no serious First Amendment issue, and nothing in the Court's opinion would seem to refute this inference. Thus, it seems impossible to reconcile this opinion with the Court's holding a year later in Riley which did not mention Meese v.

Keene that there is no difference of constitutional significance between compelled speech and compelled silence. Keene , the Court did not mention earlier cases in which it had struck down laws compelling speech. In Wooley v. Maynard , the Court struck down a New Hampshire statute requiring motorists to leave visible on their license plates the motto "Live Free or Die. Barnette , the Court held that a state may not require children to pledge allegiance to the United States. Tornillo , the Court struck down a Florida statute that required newspapers to grant political candidates equal space to reply to the newspapers' criticism and attacks on their record.

In McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission , the Court, applying strict scrutiny, struck down a compelled disclosure requirement by holding unconstitutional a state statute that prohibited the distribution of anonymous campaign literature. But it cannot seek to punish fraud indirectly by indiscriminately outlawing a category of speech, based on its content, with no necessary relationship to the danger sought to be prevented.

In Hurley v. Irish-American Gay Group of Boston , the Court held that Massachusetts could not require private citizens who organize a parade to include among the marchers a group imparting a message—in this case support for gay rights—that the organizers do not wish to convey. Massachusetts had attempted to apply its statute prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in any place of public accommodations, but the Court held that parades are a form of expression, and the state's "[d]isapproval of a private speaker's statement does not legitimatize use of the Commonwealth's power to compel the speaker to alter the message by including one more acceptable to others.

Each of these cases, Meese v. Keene notwithstanding, indicates that the Court may be nearly as reluctant to allow the government to require speech as it is to allow the government to prohibit it. However, recently, the Court took a different view. In Citizens United v. FEC , the Court upheld requirements for disclosure of funding sources for electioneering communications in the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act using language very similar to that it used in Meese v.

The Court found that, while the disclosure requirements may place some burden on speakers, they "do not prevent anyone from speaking" and "impose no ceiling on campaign-related activities. It seems, therefore, that generally applicable disclosure requirements may be permissible in the eyes of the Court, so long as they are factual, do not prevent any speech, do not require the communication of a message with which a private speaker does not agree, and are not aimed at suppressing particular categories of speakers.

In the commercial speech context, by contrast, the Supreme Court held, in Zauderer v. Office of Disciplinary Counsel , that. The right of a commercial speaker not to divulge accurate information regarding his services is not In Zauderer , the Supreme Court upheld an Ohio requirement that advertisements by lawyers that mention contingent-fee rates disclose whether percentages are computed before or after deduction of court costs and expenses.

It stands for the principle that the government may require commercial speakers to provide additional factual information along with their commercial messages, as long as the disclosure requirement is reasonably related to the government's interest. According to a number of Circuit Courts of Appeal, the Zauderer standard may apply to disclosure requirements imposed for reasons beyond the prevention of consumer deception.

Another type of compelled commercial speech occurs when the government requires industry participants to contribute money that will support advertising campaigns for the industry, often called "check-off" programs. In Glickman v. However, in United States v. United Foods, Inc. Here, for all practical purposes, the advertising itself, far from being ancillary, is the principal object of the regulatory scheme.

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In Johanns v. Livestock Marketing Association , the Supreme Court upheld a federal statute that directed the Secretary of Agriculture to use funds raised by an assessment on cattle sales and importation to promote the marketing and consumption of beef and beef products. Defamation libel is written defamation; slander is oral defamation is the intentional communication of a falsehood about a person, to someone other than that person, that injures the person's reputation.

The injured person may sue and recover damages under state law, unless state law makes the defamation privileged for example, a statement made in a judicial, legislative, executive, or administrative proceeding is ordinarily privileged. Being required to pay damages for a defamatory statement restricts one's freedom of speech; defamation, therefore, constitutes an exception to the First Amendment. The Supreme Court, however, has granted limited First Amendment protection to defamation.

The Court has held that public officials and public figures may not recover damages for defamation unless they prove, with "convincing clarity," that the defamatory statement was made with "'actual malice'—that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not. The Court has also held that a private figure who sues a media defendant for defamation may not recover without some showing of fault, although not necessarily of actual malice unless the relevant state law requires it. However, if a defamatory falsehood involves a matter of public concern, then even a private figure must show actual malice in order to recover presumed damages i.

Speech that is otherwise fully protected by the First Amendment may be restricted in order to protect children. This is because the Court has "recognized that there is a compelling interest in protecting the physical and psychological well-being of minors. Thus, the government may prohibit the sale to minors of material that it deems "harmful to minors" "so called 'girlie' magazines" , whether or not they are not obscene as to adults.

The government's ability to restrict speech in order to protect children is not unlimited, however. In Reno v. As we have explained, the Government may not 'reduc[e] the adult population The Court distinguished the Internet from radio and television because 1 "[t]he CDA's broad categorical prohibitions are not limited to particular times and are not dependent on any evaluation by an agency familiar with the unique characteristics of the Internet"; 2 the CDA imposes criminal penalties, and the Court has never decided whether indecent broadcasts "would justify a criminal prosecution"; and 3 radio and television, unlike the Internet, have, "as a matter of history COPA differs from the CDA in two main respects: 1 it prohibits communication to minors only of "material that is harmful to minors," rather than material that is indecent, and 2 it applies only to communications for commercial purposes on publicly accessible websites.

COPA has not taken effect, because a constitutional challenge was brought and the district court, finding a likelihood that the plaintiffs would prevail, issued a preliminary injunction against enforcement of the statute, pending a trial on the merits. The Third Circuit affirmed, but, in , in Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties Union , the Supreme Court held that COPA's use of community standards to define "material that is harmful to minors" does not by itself render the statute unconstitutional.

The Supreme Court, however, did not remove the preliminary injunction against enforcement of the statute, and remanded the case to the Third Circuit to consider whether it is unconstitutional nonetheless. In , the Third Circuit again found the plaintiffs likely to prevail and affirmed the preliminary injunction. In , the Supreme Court affirmed the preliminary injunction because it found that the government had failed to show that filtering prohibited material would not be as effective in accomplishing Congress's goals.

It remanded the case for trial, however, and did not foreclose the district court from concluding otherwise. Court of appeals affirmed, finding that COPA "does not employ the least restrictive alternative to advance the Government's compelling interest" and is also vague and overbroad. In a case upholding high school students' right to wear black arm bands to protest the war in Vietnam, the Supreme Court held that public school students do not "shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate. The Supreme Court has upheld the suspension of a student for using a sexual metaphor in a speech nominating another student for a student office.

A plurality of the Justices found that a school board must be permitted "to establish and apply their curriculum in such a way as to transmit community values," but that it may not remove school library books in order to deny access to ideas with which it disagrees for political or religious reasons. Frederick was a 5-to-4 decision, Justices Alito's and Kennedy's votes were necessary for a majority and therefore should be read as limiting the majority opinion with respect to future cases.

Outside of the context of public schools, children have greater First Amendment rights. For example, in Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Assn. First, citing explicitly violent literature and children's stories, the Court disagreed that explicit violence was equivalent to explicit sexual content, and declined to find that children needed to be protected from it in a similar fashion. Then, applying strict scrutiny to the law, the Court found that California had not presented sufficient evidence of the harm to children caused by the games and struck down the regulation on that basis.

This case suggests that outside the context of access to sexual content and public school, children may have First Amendment rights nearly coextensive with adults. Speech on radio and television is treated differently depending on the method of delivery of the content. Broadcast radio and television content may be regulated more extensively than cable, satellite, or online radio or television content.

Recent Supreme Court opinions have hinted that this discrepancy in treatment of broadcast content may change in the near future, if the right case presents itself to the Court. Radio and television broadcasting has more limited First Amendment protection than other media. In Red Lion Broad casting Co. Federal Communications Commission , the Supreme Court invoked what has become known as the "scarcity rationale" to justify this discrimination:. Where there are substantially more individuals who want to broadcast than there are frequencies to allocate, it is idle to posit an unabridgeable First Amendment right to broadcast comparable to the right of every individual to speak, write, or publish.

The Court made this statement in upholding the constitutionality of the Federal Communication Commission's FCC's "fairness doctrine," which required broadcast media licensees to provide coverage of controversial issues of interest to the community and to provide a reasonable opportunity for the presentation of contrasting viewpoints on such issues. Pacifica Foundation , the Court upheld the power of the FCC "to regulate a radio broadcast that is indecent but not obscene. The Court may be poised to limit, or even overrule these decisions allowing the government to regulate more tightly the speech of broadcasters.

The FCC's indecency policy has come under fire over the past decade. The court challenge to the policy, captioned FCC v. Fox Television , reached the Supreme Court twice, and twice the policy was struck down, but the Court did not do so on First Amendment grounds in either case. Pacifica was wrongly decided, and that she believes the case should be reconsidered. This concurrence may prove significant in a future case, should the Supreme Court have the occasion to consider the constitutionality of broadcast indecency regulations while Justice Ginsburg and Justice Thomas remain on the Court.

If the Court does overrule Pacifica and Red Lion , it is possible that it will become more difficult for the government to impose restrictions on speech over the broadcast airwaves. Speech on cable systems and online video and radio delivery systems is fully protected speech the regulation of which is subject to strict scrutiny.

The Court began to draw a distinction between these content delivery systems and broadcast systems in Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. Federal Communications Commis sion. In that case, the Court held that "application of the more relaxed standard of scrutiny adopted in Red Lion and other broadcast cases is inapt when determining the First Amendment validity of cable regulation. The Court found the requirements to be content-neutral in application and subject only to the test for incidental restrictions on speech.

In United States v. Playboy Entertainment Group, Inc. The statute required cable operators, on channels primarily dedicated to sexually oriented programming, either to fully scramble or otherwise fully block such channels, or to not provide such programming when a significant number of children are likely to be viewing it, which, under an FCC regulation, meant to transmit the programming only from 10 p.

The Court apparently assumed that the government had a compelling interest in protecting children from sexually oriented signal bleed, but found that Congress had not used the least restrictive means to do so. Congress in fact had enacted another provision that was less restrictive and that served the government's purpose. This other provision requires that, upon request by a cable subscriber, a cable operator, without charge, must fully scramble or fully block any channel to which a subscriber does not subscribe. The Supreme Court has never decided whether the regulation of speech over satellite radio and television can be regulated similarly to broadcast radio and television, or if regulation of speech over the medium should be subject to strict scrutiny like speech over cable systems.

The FCC does not currently regulate indecency over satellite television, reasoning that "because cable and satellite services are subscription-based, viewers of these services have greater control over the programming content that comes into their homes, whereas broadcast content traditionally has been available to any member of the public with a radio or television. ACLU , that speech on the Internet is fully protected and that its regulation, generally, would be subject to strict scrutiny. The Constitution grants Congress the power to subsidize some activities and speech without subsidizing all speech, or even all viewpoints on a particular topic.

There is a certain amount of discrimination inherent in the choices Congress makes to provide funds or tax deductions to one organization's activities, but not to another. However, when the condition on the receipt of federal funds is an agreement to espouse, or to refrain from espousing, a particular point of view that is in line with the government's favored viewpoint, questions related to whether Congress is infringing upon the First Amendment freedoms of fund recipients may arise.

While the principle that Congress may choose to subsidize whatever speech or behavior it may desire may seem simple enough, in practice, the case law has been described as complicated and contentious. Congress may not coerce citizens to engage in or to refrain from certain speech through the tax code. In the seminal case, Regan v. Taxation with Representation , a group known as Taxation with Representation TWR challenged Congress's denial of certain tax deductions to organizations that engage in substantial lobbying activities as a violation of the group's core First Amendment rights.

In short, Congress was not discriminating against lobbying. It was merely choosing not to pay for lobbying activities.


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The Court pointed out that TWR was not prohibited from lobbying under the statute. It was merely prohibited from lobbying with funds it received pursuant to its c 3 structure. The Court noted that this would be a different case if Congress had discriminated against lobbying speech in such a way as to "aim at the suppression of dangerous ideas. The following year, in FCC v. League of Women Voters , the Court examined whether Congress could constitutionally prohibit non-commercial broadcast stations that received federal funds through the Corporation for Public Broadcasting from engaging in editorializing.

The Court found that Congress could not. Distinguishing this case from TWR where the organization remained free to engage in lobbying, the Court found that under this funding restriction non-commercial broadcasters were prohibited completely from editorializing if they received federal funds. The Court conceded, however, that if Congress were to amend the statute at issue to prohibit the use of federal funds to support editorializing activities, but allow the broadcasters to engage in such speech with private funding, the statute would then be constitutional.

Following FCC v. League of Women Voters , it appeared that Congress was entitled to subsidize the activities it supported, including speech activities, without being required to subsidize all activities. However, Congress was required to allow those who might benefit from congressional largesse the freedom to express their opinions outside the bounds of the congressional subsidy.

Illustrating these principles, in Rust v. Title X was intended to provide federal funding to subsidize health care for women prior to the conception of a child that included counseling, preconceptive care, education, general reproductive health care, and preventive family planning. The Court reasoned that Congress is entitled to subsidize the public policy message it chooses to fund without funding other opinions on the same topic. Congress was within its constitutional rights to control the message that it preferred to encourage family planning methods other than abortion with funding conditions.

The Court wrote, "this is not a case of the Government suppressing a dangerous idea, but of a prohibition on a project grantee or its employees engaging in activity that was outside of the project's scope. Important for the Court's analysis in this case was the fact that the restrictions on speech only applied to the administration and employees of the Title X program itself. League of Women Voters. Following Rust came two significant cases wherein the law of unconstitutional conditions was further refined.

First, in Legal Services Corporation v. Vasquez , the Supreme Court struck down a restriction on the use of federal funds by lawyers employed by the Legal Services Corporation LSC to challenge existing welfare laws. In Rust , the government had used restrictions on the use of federal funds to subsidize and control the government's own message. In this case, however, the government was attempting to use restrictions on the use of federal funds to hinder private speech. In the Court's analysis, lawyers for the LSC were not speaking for the federal government or administering the federal government's message.

They were representing the private views and interests of their clients. Because the LSC funded private expression, and not the message of the government, the Court found that Congress could not limit the types of cases that LSC attorneys could bring on behalf of their clients because such restrictions violated the First Amendment.

The second case outlining some limits to Congress's ability to condition its spending was Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors of Univ. The Court found the university's restriction to be unconstitutional. Where the government creates a quasi-public forum, as it had in this case by making funds generally available to all university student publications, the government could not then discriminate against students seeking to use that forum on the basis of content.

Taken together these cases seem to indicate that where Congress has appropriated funds to support the government's own message, Congress has wide latitude to condition the receipt of those funds on the espousal of the government's approved message, unless that condition invidiously discriminates against the espousal of dangerous ideas. In conditioning the use of federal funds on making sure the funds are only used to support Congress's approved message, ample opportunity for the recipients of those funds to exercise their protected constitutional rights outside of the federal program in which they are participating must be preserved.

However, where Congress has provided funds for private speech or created a public or quasi-public forum, the ability to restrict speech funded by that money on the basis of content is narrower. In , the Court again struck down a condition on the receipt of federal funds for violating the First Amendment. Within the statute, Congress made clear that organizations would not be eligible to receive those funds unless they had adopted a policy explicitly opposing prostitution and sex trafficking.

The Court pointed out the difference "between [permissible] conditions that define the federal program and those that reach outside" the program to restrict speech and behavior accomplished without federal funds. The Court noted that the line between the two is not always clear but it is crossed when the government seeks "to leverage funding to regulate speech outside the contours of the program itself.

In Pickering v.

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Board of Education , the Supreme Court made clear that the government has an interest in regulating the speech of its employees and may do so to a greater degree than it may restrict the speech of citizens generally, but the First Amendment "protects a public employee's right, in certain circumstances, to speak as a citizen addressing matters of public concern" without fear of loss of government employment.

In Pickering , the Supreme Court held it unconstitutional for a school board to fire a teacher for writing a letter to a local newspaper criticizing the administration of the school system. In keeping with the rule announced by the case, the Court did not hold that the teacher had the same right as a private citizen to write such a letter. Rather, because the teacher had spoken as a citizen on a matter of public concern, the Court balanced "the interests of the teacher, as a citizen, in commenting upon matters of public concern and the interest of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs through its employees.

In this case, while the teacher did have an employment relationship with the school board, the relationship was not a close working relationship and therefore the teacher's speech was too tenuous in relation to the board to be considered within the scope of his employment or a threat to the proper functioning of the particular school that employed him. In Arnett v. Kennedy , the Supreme Court again balanced governmental interests and employee rights, and this time sustained the constitutionality of a federal statute that authorized removal or suspension without pay of an employee "for such cause as will promote the efficiency of the service," where the "cause" cited was an employee's speech.

The Court interpreted the statute to proscribe: "only that public speech which improperly damages and impairs the reputation and efficiency of the employing agency, and it thus imposes no greater controls on the behavior of federal employees as are necessary for the protection of the Government as employer. In Connick v. Myers , an assistant district attorney was fired for insubordination after she circulated a questionnaire among her peers soliciting views on matters relating to employee morale. We hold only that when a public employee speaks not as a citizen upon matters of public concern, but as an employee upon matters only of personal interest, absent the most unusual of circumstances, a federal court is not the appropriate forum in which to review the wisdom of a personnel decision taken by a public agency allegedly in reaction to the employee's behavior.

In Rankin v. McPherson , the Court upheld the right of an employee to remark, after hearing of an attempt on President Reagan's life, "If they go for him again, I hope they get him. Furthermore, as the employee's duties were purely clerical and encompassed "no confidential, policymaking, or public contact role," her remark did not indicate that she was "unworthy of employment.

These Supreme Court cases indicate the relevant factors in determining whether a government employee's speech is protected by the First Amendment. It should be emphasized that the Court considers the time, place, and manner of expression. Also, a governmental employer could not allow employees to make speeches in support of one political candidate on work time, but not allow employees to make speeches in support of that candidate's opponent.

But a Secret Service agent assigned to guard the President would not have the same right as the clerical worker in Rankin to express the hope that the President would be assassinated. In Garcetti v. Ceballos , the Court appeared to limit First Amendment protection for government employees by holding that there is no protection— Pickering balancing is not to be applied—"when public employees make statements pursuant to their official duties," even if those statements are about matters of public concern.

The deputy district attorney claimed that he was subjected to retaliatory employment actions, and sued. The Supreme Court held "that when public employees make statements pursuant to their official duties, the employees are not speaking as citizens for First Amendment purposes, and the Constitution does not insulate their communications from employer discipline. Rather, the "controlling factor" was "that his expressions were made pursuant to his duties.

In these two instances, a court would apply Pickering balancing. In , the Court further clarified the distinction between the speech of an employee as a public citizen and speech of an employee during the course of employment. In Lane v. Franks , the Court found that the First Amendment protected the testimony of a public employee in a criminal trial where the employee was called to testify to crimes he had witnessed in the course of his employment.

The Court, therefore, applied the Pickering test, and found that "the employer's side of the Pickering scale [was] entirely empty.

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In Board of County Commissioners v. Umbehr , the Court held that "the First Amendment protects independent contractors from the termination of at-will government contracts in retaliation for their exercise of the freedom of speech. In Elrod v. Burns and Branti v. Finkel , the Supreme Court held that "[g]overnment officials may not discharge public employees for refusing to support a political party or its candidates, unless political affiliation is a reasonably appropriate requirement for the job in question.

Northlake , the Court held "that the protections of Elrod and Branti extend to Such a statute is not content-neutral if it is designed to protect "a perceived need to preserve the flag's status as a symbol of our Nation and certain national ideals. By contrast, the Court upheld a federal statute that made it a crime to burn a draft card, finding that the statute served "the Government's substantial interest in assuring the continuing availability of issued Selective Service certificates," and imposed only an "appropriately narrow" incidental restriction of speech.

In , in R. City of St.

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Paul , the Supreme Court struck down an ordinance that prohibited the placing on public or private property of a symbol, such as "a burning cross or Nazi swastika, which one knows or has reasonable grounds to know arouses anger, alarm or resentment in others, on the basis of race, color, creed, religion or gender.

Therefore, the question for the Supreme Court was whether the ordinance, construed to apply only to fighting words, was constitutional. The Court held that it was not, because, although fighting words may be proscribed " because of their constitutionally proscribable content ," they may not "be made the vehicles for content discrimination unrelated to their distinctively proscribable content.

The First Amendment does not permit St. Paul to impose special prohibitions on those speakers who express views on disfavored subjects. In a subsequent case, the Supreme Court held that its opinion in R. Such statutes imposed enhanced sentences not for bigoted thought, but for the commission of crimes that can inflict greater and individual and societal harm because of their bias-inspired motivation.

A defendant's motive has always been a factor in sentencing, and even in defining crimes; "Title VII [of the Civil Rights Act of ], for example, makes it unlawful for an employer to discriminate against an employee ' because of such individual's race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.

In Virginia v. Black , the Court held that its opinion in R. The First Amendment permits Virginia to outlaw cross burning done with the intent to intimidate because burning a cross is a particularly virulent form of intimidation. Instead of prohibiting all intimidating messages, Virginia may choose to regulate this subset of intimidating messages. Supreme Court cases supporting all the prohibitions and restrictions on speech noted in this and the next paragraph are cited in footnotes accompanying the subsequent discussion of these prohibitions and restrictions.

Stevens, U. But if so, there is no evidence that "depictions of animal cruelty" is among them. We need not foreclose the future recognition of such additional categories to reject the Government's highly manipulable balancing test as a means of identifying them. Roth v. United States, U. However, Justice Douglas, dissenting, wrote: "[T]here is no special historical evidence that literature dealing with sex was intended to be treated in a special manner by those who drafted the First Amendment.

Pope v. Illinois, U. In Hamling v. United States , U. In Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties Union , U. New York v. Ferber, U. The definition of "sexually explicit conduct" in the federal child pornography statute includes "lascivious exhibition of the genitals or pubic area of any person [under 18], and "is not limited to nude exhibitions or exhibitions in which the outlines of those areas [are] discernible through clothing. A subset of laws that prohibit "fighting words" are laws that prohibit speech expressed with the intent to threaten.

The Supreme Court has found that true threats may be punished without offending the constitution. See Virginia v. Black, U.

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See Odem v. Mississippi, So. King, P. Pike, N.

Brandenburg v. Ohio, U. See also , Stewart v. McCoy, U. Watts v. Claiborne Hardware Co. American Coalition of Life Activists, F. Sable Communications of California, Inc. Federal Communications Commission, U. The Court does not apply strict scrutiny to another type of content-based restrictions—restrictions on commercial speech, which is discussed below.

Discrimination against speech because of its message is presumed to be unconstitutional. When the government targets not subject matter, but particular views taken by speakers on a subject, the violation of the First Amendment is all the more blatant. Viewpoint discrimination is thus an egregious form of content discrimination. The government must abstain from regulating speech when the specific motivating ideology or the opinion or perspective of the speaker is the rationale for the restriction.

The Florida Star v. The Court left open the question "whether, in cases where information has been acquired unlawfully by a newspaper or by a source, the government may ever punish not only the unlawful acquisition, but the ensuing publication as well. In Bartnicki v. Vopper , U. Freedman v. Maryland, U. Nebraska Press Association v.

Stuart, U. Injunctions that are designed to restrict merely the time, place, or manner of a particular expression are subject to a less stringent application of First Amendment principles; see, " Time, Place, and Manner Restrictions ," below. Pittsburgh Press Co. Pittsburgh Commission on Human Relations, U. Universal Amusement Co. See , Mark A. New York Magazine v. Metropolitan Transportation Authority, F. City of Moreno Valley, F. Bunner, 75 P. For the test regarding content-neutral injunctions, see the section on " Time, Place, and Manner Restrictions ," below.

Bosley , supra footnote 46, at ; Lemley and Volokh, supra footnote 41 arguing that intellectual property should have the same First Amendment protection from preliminary injunctions as other speech. United States Postal Service v. Council of Greenburgh Civic Ass'ns, U. Greer v. Spock, U. See also, United States v. Apel, No. Adderley v. Florida, U. Young v. American Mini Theaters, Inc. Playtime Theaters, Inc. Although singling out "adult" material might appear to be a content-based distinction, the Court in Renton said that regulations of speech are content-neutral if they "are justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech.

Zoning restrictions are justified as measures to "prevent crime, protect the city's retail trade, maintain property values, and generally 'protec[t] and preserv[e] the quality of [the city's] neighborhoods, commercial districts, and the quality of urban life,' not to suppress the expression of unpopular views. McCullen v. Coakley, No. Madsen v. In this case, the Court held that the challenged injunction was content-neutral, even though it was directed at abortion protesters, because its purpose was to protect patients, not to interfere with the protesters' message.

This is not "prior restraint analysis," which courts apply to content-based injunctions; see , " Content-Based Restrictions ," supra. United States Olympic Committee, U.

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This is known as the " O'Brien test," which was first formulated in the case United States v. O'Brien, U. Ward , U. This case makes clear that, although both "strict scrutiny" and the O'Brien test for incidental restrictions require "narrow tailoring," "the same degree of tailoring is not required" under the two; under the O'Brien test, "least-restrictive-alternative analysis is wholly out of place.

It is also out of place in applying the Central Hudson commercial speech test. Clark , U. And, "the validity of time, place, or manner restrictions is determined under standards very similar to those applicable in the commercial speech context. Edge Broadcasting Co. Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. David Cole describes Turner as "effectively giving bite to the O'Brien standard. The O'Brien standard is extremely deferential.

Fox, U. WWII records for the following states were destroyed by fire and are therefore unavailable:. HeritageQuest includes U. Federal Censuses, , genealogical and local history books and directories, Congressional materials from the U. Serial Set, and Periodical Source Index Archive, an index to genealogical publications from Beyond our local collections are several freely available sources to help you locate military records. Places to start include:. ProQuest African American Heritage offers these tools for locating those who have served in the armed forces: U. Out of the total 24 million U.

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